Hybrid Power Dynamics in the Maghreb: Cyber Politics and Narrative Competition in the Algeria–Morocco Rivalry
 
 
 
More details
Hide details
1
Political science department, Mustapha Stambouli Mascara university, Algeria
 
 
Submission date: 2025-11-21
 
 
Final revision date: 2026-02-12
 
 
Acceptance date: 2026-03-10
 
 
Online publication date: 2026-03-24
 
 
Publication date: 2026-03-24
 
 
Corresponding author
Lotfi Sour   

Political science department, Mustapha Stambouli Mascara university, BP 305 Route de Mamounia, 29000, Mascara, Algeria
 
 
Przegląd Nauk o Obronności 2025;(21):99-120
 
KEYWORDS
ABSTRACT
Objectives:
This paper investigates how hybrid threats—specifically disinformation and cyber strategies—have redefined the geopolitical rivalry between Algeria and Morocco and, by extension, the security architecture of the Maghreb. The study argues that this bilateral competition represents a paradigmatic case of regional hybridization, in which informational and digital instruments are systematically deployed as substitutes for direct military confrontation.

Methods:
The analysis draws on a qualitative, theory-driven case study combining Hybrid Warfare Theory and Regional Security Complex Theory (RSCT) to conceptualize the intersection between informational conflict and regional power politics. Empirically, the research relies on open-source intelligence (OSINT), defense communiqués, cyber incident databases, and content analysis of media ecosystems across Arabic, French, and English outlets between 2011 and 2025. A discourse-analytic method is employed to identify strategic narratives, attribution patterns, and the evolution of digital deterrence mechanisms.

Results:
Findings reveal that Algeria and Morocco have progressively institutionalized hybrid statecraft: each integrating disinformation, cyber espionage, and symbolic diplomacy into their foreign and defense policies. Meanwhile, the cyber domain has become a strategic arena in its own right, characterized by escalating espionage, data manipulation, and the growing involvement of external actors such as Russia, China, Israel, and the European Union.

Conclusions:
The study concludes that the Maghreb’s security environment is evolving into a Hybrid Security Complex, in which cognitive, informational, and technological dimensions of power are mutually reinforcing. The Algeria–Morocco rivalry exemplifies how hybrid tools can be used to maintain deterrence, contest legitimacy, and shape perceptions without direct kinetic engagement.
REFERENCES (95)
1.
Abozaid, A. M. (2023). Undesired revolution: The Arab uprising in Egypt: A three level analysis. Leiden: Brill.
 
2.
Allen, N., La Lime, M., & Samme-Nlar, T. (2022). The downsides of digital revolution confronting Africa’s evolving cyber threats. Geneva: The Global Initiative Against Transnational Organized Crime.
 
3.
Amirah-Fernández, H. (2023). The Maghreb: Regional disintegration and the risks of the zero-sum logic. Madrid: Elcano Royal Institute.
 
4.
Ammour, L.-A. (2019). La stratégie algérienne entre sécurité intérieure et stabilité régionale. In M. Dieng, P. Onguny, & I. K. Souaré (Eds.), La lutte contre le terrorisme en Afrique: Acte de bienveillance ou prétexte géostratégique? (pp. 103–121). Québec: Presses de l’Université de Montréal.
 
5.
Bakrim, T. S. (2022). Rivalité Maroc-Algérie : La guerre des récits. Paris: Fondation pour la recherche stratégique.
 
6.
Balzacq, T. (2005). The three faces of securitization: Political agency, audience and context. European Journal of International Relations, 11(2), 171–201.
 
7.
Banerjee, A. (2017). Moroccan entry to the African Union and the revival of the Western Sahara dispute. Harvard International Law Journal, 59, 34–37.
 
8.
Bargués, P., & Bourekba, M. (2022). War by all means: The rise of hybrid warfare. In P. Bargués, M. Bourekba, & C. Colomina (Eds.), Hybrid threats, vulnerable order (pp. 9-12). Barcelona: CIDOB Barcelona Centre for International Affairs.
 
9.
Barrett, E. T. (2013). Warfare in a new domain: The ethics of military cyber-operations. Journal of Military Ethics, 12(1), 4–17.
 
10.
Belkaid, A. (2009). La diplomatie algérienne à la recherche de son âge d’or. Politique étrangère, 2, 337–344.
 
11.
Bjola, C., & Papadakis, K. (2020). Digital propaganda, counterpublics and the disruption of the public sphere: The Finnish approach to building digital resilience. Cambridge Review of International Affairs, 33(5), 638–666.
 
12.
Bolaños, P. V. (2025). Morocco and Algeria: A strategic rivalry shaping the Maghreb. https://esthinktank.com/2025/0....
 
13.
Boukhars, A. (2019). Reassessing the power of regional security providers: The case of Algeria and Morocco. Middle Eastern Studies, 55(2), 242–260.
 
14.
Bourdieu, P. (2001). Langage et pouvoir symbolique. Paris: Éditions Fayard.
 
15.
Brandon, V., & Maness, R. C. (2015). Cyber war versus cyber realities: Cyber conflict in the international system. Oxford: Oxford University Press.
 
16.
Brantly, A. (2018). Conceptualizing cyber deterrence by entanglement. SSRN Scholarly Paper, 1–18.
 
17.
Buzan, B. (1991). People, states, and fear: An agenda for international security studies in the post–Cold War era (2nd ed.). Harlow: Pearson Education.
 
18.
Buzan, B., & Wæver, O. (2003). Regions and powers: The structure of international security. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.
 
19.
Byrne, J. (2016). Mecca of revolution: Algeria, decolonization, and the Third World order. New York: Oxford University Press.
 
20.
Chabouni, S., & Rouibah, H. (2025). The future of China–Africa relations: Hydrocarbons China–Algeria cooperation and geopolitical issues in the Belt and Road Initiative global context. In R. M. M. Edimo & J. Rajaoson (Eds.), China’s Belt and Road Initiative in Africa: Aid policies and economic development (pp. 527–546). Cham: Palgrave Macmillan.
 
21.
Colom-Piella, G. (2022). An A2/AD in the Western Mediterranean? Is Algeria developing anti-access/area-denial capabilities? Defence Studies, 22(1), 60–78.
 
22.
Cornish, P. (2021). The deterrence and prevention of cyber conflict. In P. Cornish (Ed.), The Oxford handbook of cyber security (pp. 273–294). Oxford: Oxford University Press.
 
23.
Côté, A. (2016). Agents without agency: Assessing the role of the audience in securitization theory. Security Dialogue, 47(6), 1–18.
 
24.
Dworkin, A. (2022). North African standoff: How the Western Sahara conflict is fuelling new tensions between Morocco and Algeria. https://ecfr.eu/publication/no....
 
25.
El Herri, Z. (2025). Manufacturing disinformation and deceptive narratives in Algerian news coverage of the Moroccan Sahara. Journal of Pragmatics and Discourse Analysis, 4(1), 51–80.
 
26.
El Kadi, T. H., & Djeflat, A. (2024). Technology transfer and technological spillovers from Chinese tech giants in North African countries: The case of Huawei in Algeria. In M. Muchie, A. Baskaran, & M. Tang (Eds.), China–Africa science, technology and innovation collaboration (pp. 253–271). Singapore: Springer.
 
27.
El Morabety, A. (2017). Evolution of Moroccan defence diplomacy. Contemporary Arab Affairs, 10(2), 241–255.
 
28.
Evans, M., & Phillips, J. (2007). Algeria: Anger of the dispossessed. London: Yale University Press.
 
29.
Fernández-Molina, I. (2016). Moroccan foreign policy under Mohammed VI, 1999–2014. London & New York: Routledge.
 
30.
Forest, J. J. F. (2021). Digital influence warfare in the age of social media. Santa Barbara, CA: Praeger.
 
31.
Fridman, O. (2018). Russian “hybrid warfare”: Resurgence and politicisation. Oxford: Oxford University Press.
 
32.
Fridman, O. (2018). Russian hybrid warfare: Resurgence and politicisation. London: Hurst.
 
33.
Galeotti, M. (2022). The weaponization of everything. New Haven: Yale University Press.
 
34.
Gardeazabal, J. (2012). Methods for measuring aggregate costs of conflict. In M. R. Garfinkel & S. Skaperdas (Eds.), Oxford handbook of the economics of peace and conflict (pp. 227–251). Oxford: Oxford University Press.
 
35.
Gerrits, A. W. (2018). Disinformation in international relations: How important is it? Security and Human Rights, 29(1), 3–23.
 
36.
Ghanem, D. (2025). Weaponized words: How to de-escalate the Algerian–Moroccan conflict. Doha: Middle East Council on Global Affairs.
 
37.
Grimaud, N. (1984). La politique extérieure de l’Algérie. Paris: Karthala.
 
38.
Haddad, S. (2012). Entre volontarisme et alignement: Quelques réflexions autour de la politique africaine de l’Algérie. Dynamiques Internationales, 7, 323–339.
 
39.
Hassan, H. A. (2024). Fragility and security challenges in the Greater Maghreb. In Y. Ho-Don, O. Bajo-Rubio, D. S. Kwan, & F. Tony Yu (Eds.), Perspectives on development in the Middle East and North Africa (MENA) region (pp. 251–271). Cham, Switzerland: Springer.
 
40.
Hassib, B., & Ayad, F. (2023). The challenges and implications of military cyber and AI capabilities in the Middle East: The geopolitical, ethical, and technological dimensions. In M. Eslami & A. V. G. Vieira (Eds.), The arms race in the Middle East: Contemporary security dynamics (pp. 55–56). Switzerland: Springer.
 
41.
Hedling, E., & Ördén, H. (2025). Disinformation, deterrence and the politics of attribution. International Affairs, 101(3), 967–986.
 
42.
Hellman, M. (2024). Disinformation as a security problem. In M. Hellman (Ed.), Security, disinformation and harmful narratives: RT and Sputnik news coverage about Sweden (pp. 1–27). Cham: Palgrave Macmillan.
 
43.
Henschke, A. (2025). Cognitive warfare: Grey matters in contemporary political conflict (pp. 64–79). New York: Routledge.
 
44.
Hoffman, F. G. (2007). Conflict in the 21st century: The rise of hybrid wars. Arlington, VA: Potomac Institute for Policy Studies.
 
45.
Howard, P. N., & Hussain, M. M. (2013). Democracy’s fourth wave? Digital media and the Arab Spring. Oxford: Oxford University Press.
 
46.
Johnson, R. (2018). Hybrid war and its countermeasures: A critique of the literature. Small Wars & Insurgencies, 29(1), 141–163.
 
47.
Kaya, A., & Drhimeur, A. (2022). Diaspora politics and religious diplomacy in Turkey and Morocco. Southeast European and Black Sea Studies, 23(2), 317–337.
 
48.
Kello, L. (2019). The virtual weapon and international order. New Haven: Yale University Press.
 
49.
Kezzoute, M. (2025). Cyber governance in Morocco: Between the consolidation of internal status and the enhancement of global positioning. Journal of Cyberspace Studies, 9(1), 251–272.
 
50.
Klein, A. (2012). Slipping racism into the mainstream: A theory of information laundering. Communication Theory, 22(4), 427–448.
 
51.
Le Gorgeu, B. (2021). La stratégie numérique du Maroc: Vers l’émergence d’un hub numérique régional ? Paris: L’Harmattan.
 
52.
Libicki, M. C. (2007). Conquest in cyberspace: National security and information warfare. New York: Cambridge University Press.
 
53.
Lin, A. Y.-T. (2025). Creating status loss: Delegitimation through information warfare. International Studies Quarterly, 69(3), 1–16.
 
54.
Liu, R., Chen, J., & Chen, C. (2025). How Algerian and Moroccan media framed their nation’s stance in reporting the Algeria–Morocco diplomatic break: A corpus-based news values analysis of political narratives. SAGE Open, 15(4), 1–15.
 
55.
Maghraoui, D. (2025). The multiple layers of Morocco’s normalization with Israel. In G. Yang, J. Zhang, X. Xiong, & L. Liu (Eds.), Risks, resilience and interdependency: Developing countries in the age of uncertainty (pp. 257–275). Singapore: Palgrave Macmillan.
 
56.
Maleh, Y., & Maleh, Y. (2022). Cybersecurity in Morocco. Cham, Switzerland: Springer.
 
57.
Malley, R. (1996). The call from Algeria: Third worldism, revolution, and the turn to Islam. Berkeley: University of California Press.
 
58.
Marouan, B., & Oughlane, E. H. (2020). The Moroccan monarchy and the construction of social representations. Contemporary Arab Affairs, 13(3), 79–97.
 
59.
Mattoni, A., & Sigillò, E. (2022). Digital media, diasporic groups, and the transnational dimension of anti-regime movements: The case of Hirak in Algeria. Review of Communication, 22(3), 175–192.
 
60.
Mazurier, J. (2023). Espionnage et « hacktivisme » : les dessous de la cyberguerre entre le Maroc et l’Algérie. https://www.jeuneafrique.com/1....
 
61.
McMahon, R. B., & Slantchev, B. (2015). The guardianship dilemma: Regime security through and from the armed forces. American Political Science Review, 109(2), 297–313.
 
62.
Miller, S. G. (2013). A history of modern Morocco. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.
 
63.
Mohamed, M. (2016). Digital politics on Facebook during the Arab Spring in Morocco: Adaptive strategies of satire relative to its political and cultural context. The European Journal of Humour Research, 4(3), 43–59.
 
64.
Moreno-Almeida, C., & Gerbaudo, P. (2021). Memes and the Moroccan far-right. The International Journal of Press/Politics, 26(4), 882–906.
 
65.
Mueller, J. (2021). The stupidity of war: American foreign policy and the case for complacency. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.
 
66.
Nye, J. S. (2017). Deterrence and dissuasion in cyberspace. International Security, 41(3), 44–71.
 
67.
Nye, J. S. (2011). The future of power. New York: PublicAffairs.
 
68.
Osawa, J. (2017). The escalation of state-sponsored cyberattacks and national cybersecurity affairs: Is strategic cyber deterrence the key to solving the problem? Asia-Pacific Review, 24(2), 113–131.
 
69.
Palmertz, B., Isaksson, E., & Pamment, J. (2025). A framework for attribution of information influence operations. Lund: Psychological Defence Research Institute.
 
70.
Pierucci, F. (2025). Sovereignty in the digital era: Rethinking territoriality and governance in cyberspace. Digital Society, 4(27), 1–19.
 
71.
Rabehi, H. (2024). The future of Algeria–China relations. In H. H. Wang & M. L. Miao (Eds.), The future of China’s development and globalization (pp. 159–161). Singapore: Springer.
 
72.
Rid, T. (2013). Cyber war will not take place. Oxford: Oxford University Press.
 
73.
Schelling, T. C. (2008). Arms and influence. New Haven: Yale University Press.
 
74.
Shires, J. (2021). The politics of cybersecurity in the Middle East. London: Hurst & Co.
 
75.
Si Ahmed, H. (2023). Dirigées depuis Israël, le Maroc et l’Europe: L’Algérie repousse une série de cyberattaques. http://lecourrier-dalgerie.com....
 
76.
Sipos, Z. (2023). Cybersecurity in Algeria. Journal of Security and Sustainability Issues, 13(1), 65–73.
 
77.
Snyder, G. H. (1961). Deterrence and defense: Toward a theory of national security. Princeton: Princeton University Press.
 
78.
Snyder, G. H., & Diesing, P. (1977). Conflict among nations: Bargaining, decision making, and system structure. Princeton: Princeton University Press.
 
79.
Soesanto, S., & Smeets, M. (2021). Cyber deterrence: The past, present, and future. In F. Osinga & T. Sweijs (Eds.), NL ARMS Netherlands Annual Review of Military Studies 2020 (pp. 385–400). The Hague: T.M.C. Asser Press.
 
80.
Sour, L. (2024). Algeria–Russia relations: Strategic partnership in the age of geopolitics. Vestnik RUDN. International Relations, 24(2), 204–215.
 
81.
Sour, L. (2024). The razor’s edge: The Western Sahara conflict as a geopolitical antagonism in Algerian–Moroccan relations. Politické vedy, 27(2), 144–167.
 
82.
Taddeo, M. (2018). The limits of deterrence theory in cyberspace. Philosophy & Technology, 31, 339–355.
 
83.
Torres-Garcia, A. (2013). US diplomacy and the North African ‘War of the Sands’. Journal of North African Studies, 18(2), 324–348.
 
84.
Tor, U. (2017). ‘Cumulative deterrence’ as a new paradigm for cyber deterrence. Journal of Strategic Studies, 40(1–2), 92–117.
 
85.
Tozy, M. (1999). Monarchie et Islam politique au Maroc. Paris: Presses de Sciences Po.
 
86.
Unver, H. A., & Ertan, A. S. (2023). The strategic logic of digital disinformation: Offence, defence and deterrence in information warfare. In R. Arcos, I. Chiru, & C. Ivan (Eds.), Routledge handbook of disinformation and national security (pp. 192–207). London: Routledge.
 
87.
Velluet, Q. (2023). Entre le Maroc et l’Algérie, la bataille se joue (aussi) dans le cyberespace. https://www.jeuneafrique.com/1....
 
88.
Willis, M. (2014). Politics and power in the Maghreb: Algeria, Tunisia, and Morocco from independence to the Arab Spring. Oxford: Oxford University Press.
 
89.
Wilson, T., & Starbird, K. (2020). Cross-platform disinformation campaigns: Lessons learned and next steps. Harvard Kennedy School Misinformation Review, 1(1), 1–11.
 
90.
Wüst, A., & Nicolai, K. (2023). Cultural diplomacy and the reconfiguration of soft power: Evidence from Morocco. Mediterranean Politics, 28(4), 554–579.
 
91.
Yezid, S., & Toronto, N. (2021). Politics of military authoritarianism in North Africa. Beirut: Carnegie Middle East Center.
 
92.
Zhang, L., & Caple, H. (2021). The newsworthiness of Li Na: A critical comparative analysis of Chinese and international news media. Language & Communication, 77, 70–80.
 
93.
Zoubir, Y. H. (2015). Algeria’s roles in the OAU/African Union: From national liberation promoter to leader in the global war on terrorism. Mediterranean Politics, 20(1), 55–75.
 
94.
Zoubir, Y. H. (2022). Algeria’s foreign policy in the post-Hirak era. Doha: The Middle East Council on Global Affairs.
 
95.
Zunes, S., & Mundy, J. (2022). Arab Maghrib disunity: Algeria and Morocco. In S. Zunes & J. Mundy (Eds.), Western Sahara: War, nationalism, and conflict irresolution (pp. 30–51). Syracuse, NY: Syracuse University Press.
 
eISSN:2719-6763
ISSN:2450-6869
Journals System - logo
Scroll to top